A coordinated legal and financial strike landed on Sudan's Rapid Support Forces this week, pairing a genocide conviction of commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo with UK sanctions on the Dubai-based network accused of laundering conflict gold into weapons.
Intelligence Lead
The United Kingdom has sanctioned eleven individuals and entities tied to the financing and procurement networks sustaining Sudan's civil war, centring on Sudanese national Abu Dharr, an alleged RSF financier operating through Dubai-registered real estate and holding companies. The measures land days after a Sudanese counter-terrorism court convicted RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, and fifteen co-defendants of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, sentencing them to death in absentia. Together the actions represent the most concrete Western attempt yet to sever the illicit gold trade from the RSF's war effort, though enforcement will depend on jurisdictions the UK sanctions package does not reach.
Situation Report
The UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed the sanctions package on 16 July, naming Abu Dharr as the central figure suspected of channelling conflict gold, procurement financing, and commercial revenue to RSF operations from outside Sudan's borders. FCDO officials assessed that his network used a web of Dubai real estate holdings and shell companies to obscure the origin and destination of funds tied to Sudan's gold sector, which generates billions of dollars annually and has become the principal artery financing both the RSF and the rival Sudanese Armed Forces.
Separately, a Sudanese court convicted Dagalo and fifteen associates on 14 July over the assassination of a regional governor and a pattern of wartime atrocities, applying charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes against individuals, destruction of public property, and use of prohibited methods of warfare. The convictions were secured in absentia; Dagalo remains at large and continues to command RSF forces in the field, including around the besieged city of El Obeid, where UK officials cited an escalating humanitarian crisis in justifying the sanctions timing.
The European Union moved in parallel to restrict Sudanese gold imports but stopped short of sanctioning any UAE-based entity, despite documented allegations — including from the UK's own designation — that Emirati commercial infrastructure has been used to move RSF-linked gold and financing. That divergence marks a visible fracture in the Western response: London names the financial architecture explicitly, Brussels curtails the commodity flow but avoids naming the jurisdiction hosting it.
Background & Context
Sudan's war, now in its third year since fighting erupted between the SAF and RSF in April 2023, has produced what the UN has repeatedly assessed as one of the world's largest displacement and humanitarian crises. Gold has functioned throughout as the conflict's principal financial engine: both factions rely on smuggled bullion, moved largely through Gulf trading hubs, to fund weapons procurement, fuel, and mercenary payrolls, with formal export channels bypassed almost entirely.
Western governments have documented, without formally sanctioning, allegations that UAE-based commercial networks provide the RSF's principal external financing and logistics conduit — allegations Abu Dhabi has consistently denied. The UK's designation of Abu Dharr's Dubai holdings represents the clearest official acknowledgment yet of that transit route, though it stops at the level of individual facilitators rather than the state or its flagship trading entities.
Analysis & Assessment
The pairing of a judicial conviction with a financial sanctions package is assessed with high confidence as a deliberate dual-track pressure strategy: delegitimise RSF leadership through formal war-crimes findings while degrading the network's ability to monetise territorial control. The approach mirrors sanctions doctrine applied to other conflict-gold economies, targeting facilitators and holding structures rather than commodities alone.
Near-term operational impact is likely to be limited. Dagalo's in-absentia conviction carries no enforcement mechanism absent extradition, which Sudan's fractured state apparatus cannot presently pursue, and Abu Dharr's Dubai-registered entities remain outside UK jurisdiction for asset seizure absent UAE cooperation. The EU's decision not to sanction Emirati entities alongside its import restriction suggests continued reluctance within the broader Western coalition to confront the UAE directly over its role in Sudan's war economy — a gap RSF-aligned financiers are assessed as likely to continue exploiting through alternative shell structures.
